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novaramedia.com 17 April 2026 at 07:31

Palestine Action Has Defeated the Government: What Happens Next?

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78
Trust Score

Mixed (Partly Verified; Material Unverified/Opinionated Elements Present)

Confidence: Medium

Standard
Emotional Tone Low
How emotionally charged the language is (low is neutral)
Reading Level Academic
Suitable for age 19+ readers (grade 14)
Article Length Long
1,864 words
Caps & Emphasis Normal
0.8% of words are capitalised (high can indicate sensationalism)

Executive Summary

This article’s core, high-priority factual backbone—(i) that the High Court ruled the proscription of Palestine Action unlawful on 13 February 2026 on proportionality/ECHR and policy grounds; (ii) that the ban remained in force pending a further hearing/appeal; (iii) that senior judges Sharp, Steyn and Swift sat; and (iv) that the Metropolitan Police publicly indicated it would generally gather evidence rather than immediately arrest for expressions of support in light of the judgment—is well supported by primary UK Judiciary documents and reputable contemporaneous reporting. However, multiple consequential claims are either (a) forward-looking legal speculation presented with undue certainty (e.g., that arrests/charges “should never have taken place”, or that people will have grounds to sue “as if the ban had never happened”), (b) dependent on unresolved future procedural steps (quashing/stay/appeal outcomes), or (c) lack corroboration within the research conducted here (e.g., a quoted “lieutenant” instructing a change in arrest practice; the “first time in British history” claim; the dramatic comparative claim about “more arrests since proscription than the entire ‘war on terror’”; and conflict-casualty figures in Gaza). These are therefore marked Unverified rather than False under your guardrails.

Factual Verification

Verified Claims

  • On Friday 13 February 2026, the High Court (Divisional Court) ruled that the Home Secretary’s proscription of Palestine Action was unlawful, including because it was disproportionate and unlawfully interfered with freedom of expression/assembly and because the Home Secretary failed to follow relevant policy.
  • The Divisional Court panel included Dame Victoria Sharp, Dame Karen Steyn and Sir Jonathan Swift.
  • The court stated that only a very small number of Palestine Action’s activities amounted to acts of terrorism within the statutory definition, and that the general criminal law remained available.
  • Despite the unlawfulness finding, Palestine Action remained proscribed pending further order / consequential hearing, and the court directed further written submissions by 20 February 2026 on the form of the order and the question of any stay pending appeal.
  • The government indicated an intention to appeal; reporting contemporaneous to the judgment attributes the appeal intention to the Home Secretary and notes the ban remained in force pending the next hearing.
  • The Metropolitan Police publicly said it would not arrest people expressing support for Palestine Action in light of the judgment, but would gather evidence of offences to allow for possible later enforcement.

Unverified Claims

  • Police forces that made arrests under the ban could be hit with a wave of lawsuits (beyond being a possibility) and that this risk is meaningfully large in practice.
  • Novara Media’s claim that protesters are already being encouraged to explore legal redress (this may be true, but was not corroborated with an independent, up-to-date source in this research run).
  • A ‘lieutenant’ with the Metropolitan Police told Novara Media officers would no longer make arrests of people holding placards expressing support for the group (ranked-source attribution exists only within the article; I did not locate an independent corroboration identifying this speaker).
  • The judgment was exactly “46 pages” (the primary judgment PDF length was not verified here; only the existence/content of the judgment and press summary were verified).
  • The judges ‘deliberated for over two months’ (timelines are plausible but not confirmed by a primary source statement in the materials reviewed).
  • That Dame Victoria Sharp has been President of the King’s Bench Division “since 2019” (not checked against an authoritative judicial biography within this run).
  • That the judicial review “marks the first time in British history that a proscribed group has been able to legally challenge proscription in this way.”
  • The article’s assertion that ‘thousands’ of arrests and ‘hundreds’ of charges “should never have taken place” because the law/order was unlawful (this is a contested legal conclusion; the order remained in force pending further court order and appeal processes).
  • That, once the ban is fully lifted, prior supportive placards will be treated as lawful “as if the ban had never happened” (this is a legal effect claim that depends on remedies, quashing, stays, and the legal status at time of arrest; not settled by the sources reviewed).
  • That people arrested under the Terrorism Act “will have grounds to sue” once the order is fully quashed (possible, but not established; depends on individual circumstances, tort thresholds, immunities/defences, causation, limitation, and court outcomes).
  • That police forces could face “thousands of legal claims” and that average damages might be ~£10,000 per person (speculative estimate).
  • That the proscription led to “more than 2,700 arrests at protests” as stated in the article (a closely related government statistical publication reports 2,779 arrests linked to supporting Palestine Action in the year ending 31 December 2025, but the article’s phrasing ‘at protests’ and its exact number were not independently matched line-for-line).
  • That there have been more arrests under UK terror law since Palestine Action was proscribed than during the entire ‘war on terror’ (highly consequential and not corroborated by authoritative longitudinal arrest statistics in this run).
  • The claim that Sharp/Steyn/Swift were ‘swapped in’ replacing Chamberlain due to ‘pro-government and pro-Israel connections’ and that the process was a ‘stitch-up’ (these are value-laden assertions requiring robust evidence; none located here).
  • That the judicial review included witness statements from the listed individuals/organisations (some may be in the judgment record, but this was not verified within the sources opened here).
  • That Labour was considering a ban as early as March 2025 and that specific internal documents show this (requires the cited ‘Declassified’ documents; not located/validated in this run).
  • The claim that JTAC/PRG concluded the majority of direct action would not be terrorism and that proscription would be ‘novel and unprecedented’, plus the claim about 3 incidents out of 385 being decisive (requires primary document disclosure or reliable secondary reproduction; not verified here).
  • That a Channel 4 Dispatches episode ‘this week’ questioned Iran-link claims (programme content not reviewed here; only Novara’s reporting about Hall KC’s remarks was found).
  • That Jonathan Hall KC said the government’s press briefings linking Palestine Action to Iran were ‘wrong’ and he was ‘not aware’ of evidence (reported by Novara; not independently corroborated by a second reputable outlet or an official transcript within this run).
  • That a PR firm ‘planted’ Iran-link claims as reported in Private Eye (Private Eye report not accessed/verified here).
  • The Gaza casualty figures asserted (72,000 killed and 171,000 wounded since October 2023) and the framing ‘Israel’s genocide’ (both are highly contested and fast-moving; no authoritative verification performed here).

Bias & Presentation

Detected Biases:

  • Advocacy framing: adopts contested characterisations as fact (e.g., referring to ‘Israel’s genocide’ rather than attributing or evidencing the claim).
  • Selection bias: emphasises sympathetic voices (Amnesty, Corbyn, Cage, ICJP) and emotive policing anecdotes; limited space given to the government/legal rationale beyond brief quotations.
  • Certainty inflation: presents speculative legal consequences (mass lawsuits; arrests ‘should never have happened’) more definitively than the procedural posture (order still in force pending relief/stay/appeal) warrants.

Language Patterns

Emotional manipulation: 0.62

Quality Assurance

Limitations: ['I did not independently access the underlying ‘Declassified’ documents described in the article, nor Private Eye’s report, nor the Channel 4 Dispatches episode/transcript; related claims remain Unverified.', 'I did not attempt an exhaustive historical legal survey to validate the ‘first time in British history’ claim; doing so would require targeted legal database research beyond the sources opened here.', 'Some verifications rely on press summaries and reputable reporting rather than direct inspection of every asserted detail (e.g., exact page count of the judgment).']

Confidence

Level: Medium

High confidence in the adjudication of the central court/procedural and policing-position claims because they are supported by primary UK Judiciary documents and multiple reputable contemporaneous outlets. Medium-to-low confidence on several other material claims (mass-civil-liability certainty, unique-historical-first assertions, internal-government-document characterisations, comparative arrest-history claims, and Gaza casualty figures) because they were not corroborated with accessible primary materials or multiple independent reputable sources within this research run, so they remain Unverified by design.

Search Journal

Query: High Court ruling Friday 13 February proscription of Palestine Action unlawful disproportionate free speech Yvette Cooper breached policy Dame Victoria Sharp Dame Karen Steyn Sir Jonathan Swift

Query: Palestine Action proscribed July 2025 Terrorism Act 2000 order UK Home Secretary Yvette Cooper Commons vote Maniacs Murder Cult Russian Imperial Movement

Query: Shabana Mahmood home secretary fight this judgment in the court of appeal Palestine Action proscription

Query: Jonathan Hall KC Dispatches Palestine Action Iran link claims wrong not aware of evidence

Query: judgment 13 February 2026 Palestine Action proscription unlawful Sharp Steyn Swift 46-page judgment pdf

Query: Metropolitan Police unusual position gathering evidence provide opportunities for enforcement at a later date rather than making arrests support for Palestine Action expressed

Query: Operation of police powers under the Terrorism Act 2000 arrests linked to supporting Palestine Action year ending 31 December 2025 2779

Article Content

Police forces that made arrests under the Palestine Action ban could be hit with a wave of lawsuits following the group’s “monumental victory” in court, legal experts have said.

While the full implications of the high court ruling aren’t yet clear – the ban is still officially in place and the government plans to appeal – Novara Media understands that protesters who resisted the group’s proscription are already being encouraged to explore the possibility of legal redress.

A lieutenant with the Metropolitan police told Novara Media officers would no longer make arrests of people holding placards expressing support for the group.

The verdict handed down on Friday 13 February found the proscription of Palestine Action to be unlawful on two grounds. Firstly, that it disproportionately impacts free speech and, secondly, that then-home secretary Yvette Cooper breached her own policy in the proscription process.

A three-judge panel made up of Dame Victoria Sharp, Dame Karen Steyn and Sir Jonathan Swift ruled that Cooper had failed to carry out a ‘proportionality’ test correctly and did not take into account the impact the decision would have on the right to protest.

The three judges deliberated for over two months on the landmark judicial review brought by Palestine Action’s co-founder Huda Ammori. Sharp is the most senior judge in the administrative court and has been president of the King’s Bench Division of the high court of justice since 2019.

While reading [the 46-page judgement]( Sharp said: “A very small number of Palestine Action’s activities amounted to acts of terrorism within the definition of section one of the 2000 Act. For these, and for Palestine Action’s other criminal activities, the general criminal law remains available.

“The nature and scale of Palestine Action’s activities falling within the definition of terrorism had not yet reached the level, scale and persistence to warrant proscription.”

The government plans to appeal the high court’s decision, and the judges stressed that the ban on Palestine Action will remain in place ahead of a potential appeal and another hearing later in the month.

The Met has said the ruling [places them in an “unusual” position]( officers will focus on “gathering evidence” of offences where support for Palestine Action is expressed “to provide opportunities for enforcement at a later date” rather than making arrests.

Ammori called the ruling a “monumental victory” and urged the government to “respect the court’s decision and bring this injustice to an end without further delay”.

Amnesty International UK echoed her sentiment by “strongly urging” the government to rethink its appeal.

Tom Southerden, Amnesty International UK’s director of law and human rights director, told Novara Media: “We think [the government] should respect this decision, drop the case, leave it here. This has been a disastrous mistake. Thousands of people have been arrested. It needs to end today.”

The ban means being a member of or showing support for the direct action group – which targets business complicit in Israel’s genocide in Gaza – is an offence punishable by up to 14 years in prison.

The judicial review brought by Ammori marks the first time in British history that a proscribed group has been able to legally challenge proscription in this way.

Responding to the ruling, former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn told Novara Media: “This is a vindication for those who had the courage and humanity to oppose genocide. This government thinks it can shield itself from accountability for the role it has played in one of the greatest crimes of our time. Today’s historic judgment proves it will not succeed.”

Current home secretary Shabana [Mahmood posted on X]( she will “fight this judgment in the court of appeal”, writing: “The court acknowledged that Palestine Action has carried out acts of terrorism. It concluded that its actions are not consistent with democratic values and the rule of law.

“Supporting the Palestinian cause is not the same as supporting Palestine Action. The government’s proscription followed a rigorous process, endorsed by parliament.”

Jonathan Purcell, head of public affairs and comms from the International Centre of Justice for Palestinians, dubbed the verdict “a common sense ruling that’s on the side of free speech and civil liberties” and blasted the government’s move to appeal as “a farce”.

### What does the verdict mean in practice?

As the proscription of Palestine Action has been ruled unlawful, a legal expert from Cage International told Novara Media this means the thousands of arrests and hundreds of charges against people protesting the ban should never have taken place, because the law itself was unlawful.

Once the ban is fully lifted, the actions of thousands of people holding placards that read: “I oppose genocide. I support Palestine Action” will be treated as perfectly lawful – as if the ban had never happened.

People who have been arrested under the Terrorism Act will also have grounds to sue the relevant police force once the proscription order is fully quashed.

Police forces could be opened up to “thousands of legal claims”, former government lawyer and co-founder of Defend Our Juries Tim Crosland told Novara Media.

“The basic principle is if the underlying order is unlawful, then any arrests, any raids, any prosecutions that are based on that order – they are unlawful, too,” Crosland said.

“It doesn’t kick in just yet, because the order hasn’t actually been quashed. But ultimately, if the high court decision stands and isn’t overturned, then yes, in principle, that’s thousands of legal claims against the police, maybe against the Home Office too, for unlawful arrest.”

Crosland added that the scale of financial consequences could be huge, even at a conservative estimate of £10,000 per person.

Another legal expert was more pessimistic in outlook, however, warning that even if the government’s appeal fails, legal action is theoretically possible but without precedent and unlikely to result in success.

Amnesty’s Southerden told Novara Media: “If the proscription was unlawfully made, as they ruled today, that proscription should not stand, and the criminal offences that go with it should not exist.”

### What has happened since the Palestine Action ban?

The controversial proscription led to more than [2,700 arrests at protests]( with elderly and disabled people, former priests and an RAF veteran arrested and carried away by groups of police officers. A man [holding a Private Eye cartoon]( and a man wearing a [t-shirt that read ‘Plasticine Action’]( have also been arrested under the ban.

Even [Metropolitan police officers have criticised the]( ban. Several told Novara Media on condition of anonymity that they felt “ashamed and sick” for arresting disabled people as terrorists.

“Instead of catching real criminals and terrorists, we are arresting pensioners and disabled people calling for the saving of children’s lives,” a Met officer said. “It makes me question why I’m even in this career anymore.”

The police federation said officers were “emotionally and physically exhausted” and the “relentless” demand for policing wasn’t sustainable.

There have been more arrests made under UK terror law since Palestine Action was proscribed in July 2025 than during the entire ‘war on terror’.

Asim Qureshi, research director at Cage International, told Novara Media: “The Defend Our Juries civil disobedience rightly pointed to the ridiculous use of terrorism legislation to undermine direct action in the UK. Instead of stopping the weapons from leaving the UK and being directly involved in a genocide, they have sought to criminalise those acting with their conscience.”

Ammori was granted a judicial review by justice Sir Martin Chamberlain in a landmark ruling back in July. The government unsuccessfully attempted to appeal his decision in September – and Ammori was granted two further grounds on which to challenge the legality of the ban, in addition to the two initially granted by Chamberlain.

[Ammori’s legal challenge]( which was heard over three days from 26 November to 2 December, was brought on four grounds: the proscription of Palestine Action interferes disproportionately with the rights to free speech and assembly; the home secretary failed to consult with Palestine Action before making her decision; the Home Office failed to consider relevant factors – including the level of public support for Palestine Action; the ministry failed to comply with its own policy when deciding to proscribe.

Sharp, Steyn and Swift were [swapped in]( in November, replacing Chamberlain. The three judges’ pro-government and pro-Israel connections led campaigners to condemn the process as a “stitch-up”.

The judicial review included witness statements from Irish author Sally Rooney, human rights groups Amnesty International and Liberty, UN special rapporteur on protecting human rights Ben Saul, and Novara Media.

Defend Our Juries organised two weeks of mass civil disobedience events across 20 towns and cities to coincide with the review.

### Why was Palestine Action proscribed?

Then-home secretary Yvette Cooper proscribed Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation after a Commons vote in which the direct action group was ‘bundled’ in with two white supremacist organisations – the Maniacs Murder Cult and the Russian Imperial Movement.

Palestine Action’s aim is to end global participation in Israel’s “genocidal and apartheid regime” in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza has killed, at a conservative estimate, 72,000 Palestinians and wounded 171,000 since October 2023.

Proscription put Palestine Action in the same category as Al Qaeda and Isis. It was the first time in British history that a direct action group had been branded a terrorist organisation.

Cooper told parliament in June that she intended to proscribe Palestine Action following its “aggressive and intimidatory attacks against businesses, institutions and the public, which has crossed the thresholds established in the Terrorism Act 2000”.

Under UK law, [counter-terror legislation]( defines terrorist acts as including “serious damage to property”.

The ban came after an alleged break-in by five activists at an RAF airbase in Brize Norton, during which two planes were sprayed with red paint in June 2025. But Keir Starmer’s Labour government was considering a ban as early as March the same year.

Documents [seen by Declassified]( from this period show that the Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre (JTAC), based within MI5, concluded that “the majority of direct action by Palestine Action would not be classified as terrorism… but does often involve criminality”. They also showed that the government’s own Proscription Review Group (PRG) concluded a ban would be “novel and unprecedented” due to there being “no known precedent of an organisation being proscribed… mainly due to its use or threat of action involving serious damage to property”.

The JTAC and PRG found the threshold to ban the group had been met based on three out of a total of 385 incidents involving “serious property damage” to arms factories.

[A Channel 4 Dispatches documentary]( that aired this week questioned whether claims of a link between Palestine Action and Iran were used to obscure the fact that the actual basis for the ban was criminal damage.

The government’s independent reviewer of terrorism legislation, Jonathan Hall KC, who consulted on the ban, told the programme the government’s press briefings [linking Palestine Action to Iran were “wrong”]( adding he was “not aware” of any evidence to support the claims.

The Iran link claims, widely disseminated among the mainstream press,[were planted by a PR firm]( according to a report in Private Eye magazine.

Harriet Williamson is a commissioning editor and reporter for Novara Media.

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